Not too long ago launched political fund stories have put Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and Protection Minister Shinjiro Koizumi below scrutiny over publicity spending and firm donations up to now yr.
The Mainichi Shimbun reported on 28 November that Takaichi spent greater than 80 million yen – over half 1,000,000 US {dollars} – on publicity for the 2024 Liberal Democratic Celebration (LDP) management race, adopted by Koizumi, who spent about 20 million yen, and former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, who spent solely about 0.42 million yen.
The report reveals that the publicity prices in LDP management races – whereas so modest as to qualify as hen feed as compared with the no-holds-barred company spending wars which were routine in American political campaigns because the US Supreme Courtroom’s 2010 resolution in Residents United v. FEC – are excessive when seen within the Japanese context.
Resulting from stricter guidelines which have resulted from historic scandals and up to date LDP slush fund scandals, the Japanese public is delicate about firm donations to politicians.
The ’24 election
The 2024 LDP management race was held in September 2024 after Prime Minister Fumio Kishida introduced his resignation following the celebration’s slush fund scandals and public distrust over the celebration’s ties with the Unification Church.
Takaichi, who received essentially the most votes within the first spherical, in the end misplaced to Ishiba within the runoff – although her run that yr is believed to have paved her strategy to profitable within the 2025 management race, after Ishiba introduced his resignation, and turning into prime minister in October 2025.
Based on the funding report of Takaichi’s fund-managing group, 83.84 million yen was used for publicity earlier than and through the 2024 race. That is a lot increased than the full of below 10 million yen spent for publicity in her first run in 2021.
Breakdowns present main spending on digital operations: 33 million yen in “promoting bills” paid to an Osaka-based company specializing in video manufacturing and social media, and 5 million yen to a company led by the late marketing campaign strategist Shinnosuke Fujikawa for “web site planning and manufacturing.”
For printed supplies, the group spent a mixed 45.84 million yen on leaflet printing, stuffing, and mailing.
Though the LDP’s election administration committee had banned mailing PR paperwork to members earlier than the official marketing campaign interval, Takaichi’s group had already initiated mailing procedures earlier than the ban. Greater than 300,000 celebration members nationwide reportedly acquired the leaflet. Complaints prompted the committee to subject a warning to Takaichi. Nonetheless, the leaflet is believed to have boosted her assist from celebration members.
Koizumi, who made his first run and positioned third within the 2024 race, was the second-highest spender on publicity after Takaichi. His fund-managing group and celebration chapter reported paying 20.23 million yen to a Tokyo PR firm for “management election publicity assist.” Shortly after the race, he additionally paid 29.19 million yen in “marketing campaign bills” to a Tokyo agency specializing in branding, although the hyperlink to the management race is unclear. He moreover paid 13 million yen to an organization that carried out public-opinion analysis through the marketing campaign. He in the end completed third within the 2024 race, and he misplaced to Takaichi within the 2025 race.
Ishiba, the eventual winner of the 2024 race, reported far smaller publicity spending. His fund-managing group and celebration chapter reported minor prices, together with 390,000 yen for leaflet manufacturing and 30,000 yen for creating social media banners – far under the quantities spent by Takaichi and Koizumi.
The LDP management race just isn’t ruled by the Public Places of work Election Act, which means there are not any spending caps or necessary reporting guidelines. Whereas the celebration bans expensive actions resembling mailing PR paperwork or utilizing automated cellphone calls, violations carry no penalties, which raises considerations within the public that heavy social media promoting could proceed unchecked.
Additionally on November 28, NHK reported that two LDP native chapters led by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and Protection Minister Shinjiro Koizumi every acquired a ten million yen company donation in 2024 – exceeding the annual restrict set primarily based on the corporate’s capital dimension below Japan’s Political Funds Management Act.
Political fund stories launched by the Nara election administration committee confirmed that the LDP’s Nara 2nd district chapter, headed by Takaichi, recorded a ten million yen donation from a Tokyo-based firm in August 2024. Additionally, political fund stories launched by the Kanagawa election administration committee confirmed that the LDP’s Kanagawa eleventh district chapter, led by Koizumi, likewise acquired a ten million yen donation from an Osaka-based firm in December 2024.
The corporate that donated to Takaichi’s chapter has capital of 100 million yen, whereas the corporate that donated to Koizumi’s chapter has capital of 10 million yen. Below the Political Funds Management Act, which units annual donation caps primarily based on an organization’s capital dimension, each firms are restricted to ¥7.5 million per yr – which means every donation exceeded the authorized ceiling by 2.5 million yen.
Takaichi’s workplace advised NHK that though it had offered the donor with data on the authorized limits, it had “misidentified the corporate’s dimension.” The workplace stated an administrative error was found, and that the surplus quantity was returned, and the fund report corrected after consulting with the corporate. Koizumi’s workplace advised NHK it had been unaware of the corporate’s capital dimension. The workplace stated the surplus quantity was instantly returned, and that the refund will probably be recorded on this yr’s fund report back to be printed subsequent yr.
Historical past of political funding scandals
Japan has skilled a collection of political funding scandals, together with the Lockheed scandal in 1976, the Recruit scandal in 1988, and the Tokyo Sagawa Specific scandal in 1992, which sparked public outrage over “cash politics.” In 1993, the LDP misplaced management over the federal government for the primary time since its founding in 1955. The next yr, below the coalition authorities headed by former Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa, the Political Fund Management Act was revised, tightening donation limits and reporting necessities.
Nonetheless, the LDP’s slush fund scandals in 2023 and 2024 highlighted ambiguities within the present system and have raised considerations about whether or not politicians and their employees absolutely perceive and strictly observe the foundations. Making certain transparency in each the sources and makes use of of funds will probably be essential for the LDP to revive the general public belief misplaced in these scandals.
Banning company contributions, as proposed by the LDP’s present coalition accomplice, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Innovation Celebration), and included of their coalition settlement – although with an unclear timeline – will proceed to be one of many key points in Food regimen dialogue.
Primarily based on Takaichi’s comparatively heavy spending on publicity and social media promoting throughout her 2024 LDP management race, it’s not tough to see how her cupboard’s excessive approval scores – 72%, based on the newest survey by the Yomiuri Shimbun on the finish of November, unchanged from instantly after she took workplace – could also be partly attributed to her give attention to public opinion and her experience in publicity technique.
Whereas some media shops have instantly in contrast and ranked her cupboard’s approval scores with these of earlier cupboards together with Ishiba’s cupboard, such comparisons could also be deceptive given not solely the variations in socio-economic environments and political climates throughout their respective administrations but additionally the degrees of their spending on social media advertising and marketing.
Current stories on firm donations and publicity spending by Takaichi and Koizumi spotlight that the media and to some extent most people will proceed to play a vital function in holding the celebration and its senior members accountable. On the similar time, numerous media views are important. Amongst main Japanese information shops, The “left-leaning” Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun have been comparatively extra vital of Takaichi than the “right-leaning” Yomiuri Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun.
Peter Chai (Kai Shibata) is a doctoral researcher on the Graduate College of Political Science, Waseda College. His analysis areas are political sociology, comparative politics and public opinion. His analysis methodology is survey evaluation, and his regional focus is East Asia. His articles have been printed by Nikkei Asia, East Asia Discussion board and The Diplomat.
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